Notes Toward a Vision of The Workers' Movement in Mexico

by Jorge Robles
  1. “It is customary in our country to affirm that we are practically the inventor of social rights. . . . Our social rights are the expression of state control over the social force of the workers.” Jorge Megia Prieto’s interview with Néstor de Buen, Fidel Velásquez: 47 años de historia y poder (Mexico: Ed. Diana., 1981) p. 145.
  2. To learn more about the Italian influence in the imposition of the corporate system in Mexico, see Robles, Jorge, “Los contratos de protección: un producto de la Ley Federal del Trabajo,” in: Bouzas, Alfonso et al, Contratación Colectiva de protección en México. In-forme a la Organización Regional Interamericana de Trabajadores (ORIT) (Mexico: UNAM-ORIT, 2007), pp. 49-95.
  3. XXXV Legislatura, Diario de debates. 21 de octubre de 1932. Consultada el 30 de enero de 2009.
  4. This was the case with the Duro Bag company in Tamaulipas where an alliance between the National Union of Workers and the Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras attempted to unionize a group of workers.The Federal Board of Conciliation and Arbitration (JFCA) held its hearing in a hall covered with placards that accused the Authentic Labor Front (FAT) which was advising the union of having sold out the country and of being allied with U.S. labor unions. For more details about this conflict, see: Méndez H., Luís., “La respuesta obrera maquiladora en el entorno binacional,” El Cotidiano, May/
  5. June, 2005, (Vol. 20, No. 11) pp. 63-71.
  6. In Mexico where labor issues are involved the courts are responsible not to the judicial branch but rather to the executive branch.
  7. Lozano Proposal (Feb. 2009): Regarding cheapening firings and strengthening corporatism, see:
  8. CONASIM, “Sindicalismo con responsabilidad social”.
  9. Rendón, Armando, “Los reformismos en el Congreso del Trabajo,” in Confederaciones Obreras y Sindicatos nacionales en México, ed. by Luís H. Mendez, Carlos García y Marco Antonio Leyva. Eon ediciones. México 2005.
  10. That’s how Ramón Gámez began his union business.
  11. The case of the Sindicato Progresista Justo Sierra de Ramón Gámez, at the company Zinc y sus derivados S.A. where the FAT was able to win back their collective bargaining agreement for the workers in 1997.
  12. For more details see: López Laredo, Gustavo. “Democracia y corporativismo sindical. El caso de los trabajadores del metro — 1970-1987,” Bachelor’s Thesis, ENAH-SEP, Cuicuilco 2001, here.
  13. The CTM union called a strike and carried it out in collusion with TV Azteca so that that television consortium could take over the channel. See: Gómez Leyva, Ciro, “La infame historia del canal televisivo secuestrado,” Etcétera, August 18, 2005.
  14. Federación de asociaciones de periodistas mexicanos A.C., “Agresiones a la libertad de expresión en el continente americano,” June 2005.
  15. Here.
  16. Consultada el 8 de marzo de 2009.
  17. See here. The Mexican Electrical Workers Union (SME) holds that it is not necessary to change Mexico’s labor laws, that enforcing them would be sufficient.
  18. Nacional Coordinating Committee of the FAT,“Political Report,” Documents of the XI National Congress November 1997, Oaxtepec, Morelos.
  19. The first four are a contribution directly from the FAT based on its program and structure.
  20. Canto, Manuel,“Perspectivas Políticas 2009,” a presentation to the FAT on February 28, 2009.